L’allarme immigrazione in Europa serve a coprire il nuovo assalto all’Africa

By | agosto 10, 2018

L’allarme immigrazione in Europa serve a coprire il nuovo assalto all’Africa

Negli ultimi mesi in Europa è esplosa la “crisi migratoria” sull’immigrazione proveniente dall’Africa proprio nel momento in cui questa è ai suoi minimi storici. Per cercare di spiegare questo paradosso, occorre guardare prima in Africa, poi in Europa e infine all’interazione tra la prima situazione e l’altra.

Articolo pubblicato sul sito svizzero www.alencontre.org

 

In Africa

Per quanto riguarda l’Africa, il dato da cui partire è questo: è in corso un nuovo “scramble for Africa”, uno scatenato assalto neo-coloniale alle risorse di minerali, energia, terra, acqua, sole, vento e di esseri umani dell’Africa sia araba che nera. Un nuovo saccheggio in grandissimo stile. Con alcune importanti differenze rispetto a quello che fu sancito dalla conferenza di Berlino del 1884-1885:

1) Questa volta l’assalto è globale perché l’Africa è il continente che dà più speranze, al capitale globale, di poter realizzare quel supplemento di energico sviluppo dell’accumulazione che appare altrove sempre più difficile da attuare – dopotutto, l’Africa è il solo continente in cui la popolazione, e la potenziale forza-lavoro da sfruttare, continua a crescere a ritmo molto rapido[1]. All’opera, quindi, non sono solo i tradizionali briganti europei, che restano comunque in prima fila. Accanto a loro, le multinazionali statunitensi (gli Stati Uniti sono i primi investitori in Africa per stock di capitale[2]) e le grandi banche e le grandi imprese cinesi, saudite, degli Emirati, indiane, turche. Non a caso gli investissements direct étrangers (IDE) verso l’Africa sono esplosi dai 10 miliardi di dollari circa del 2000 agli oltre 55 miliardi del 2015, facendo di questo continente la seconda destinazione mondiale degli IDE subito dopo la regione Asia-Pacifico.

2) Ai tavoli della nuova spartizione delle risorse africane sono ammesse stavolta pure le borghesie arabe e nere, allora pressoché inesistenti, che stanno capitalizzando (in parte) a proprio vantaggio il ciclo delle rivoluzioni e delle lotte anti-coloniali, espropriandone il frutto alle classi lavoratrici che le hanno combattute in prima persona.

3) Data la crisi dell’ordine internazionale uscito dalla seconda guerra mondiale e modificato, poi, dalla catastrofe del “socialismo reale”, dato quindi il grande disordine internazionale del momento, non è prevista né è prevedibile una nuova spartizione formale dell’Africa, alcun “pacifico” accordo tra gli assalitori. Ciò rende l’assalto dei grandi poteri “civilizzatori” ancor più brutale, se fosse possibile, di quello di fine ottocento.

4) I mezzi dell’assalto neo-coloniale all’Africa sono diventati più sofisticati e diversificati. Certo, sta crescendo in Africa e alle soglie dell’Africa, la presenza militare dei neo-colonizzatori sotto forma di truppe statali e private, basi militari, “consiglieri” dei servizi segreti di mezzo mondo. Ma non si  tratta solo di questo, delle guerre scatenate direttamente dall’Occidente e delle guerre civili o di secessione in cui c’è la longa manus delle potenze imperialiste, tra cui l’Italia. Si tratta anche, e direi soprattutto, dello strangolatorio debito estero, che per i paesi dell’Africa sub-sahariana è passato dai 13 miliardi di dollari del 1973 ai 450 miliardi di oggi. Si tratta del land grabbing – oltre il 50% delle terre rapinate con questo metodo nei continenti di colore si trova in Africa, per un ammontare di oltre 30 milioni di ettari (pagati dai 2 ai 10 dollari l’uno…), con una progressione del fenomeno del 1000% in venti anni. Si tratta della trasformazione dell’agricoltura africana, sotto il dominio dell’agribusiness, in un’agricoltura che vive per l’esportazione, non per accrescere la autosufficienza alimentare delle popolazioni locali; delle monoculture intensive imposte a molti paesi africani per la produzione di bio-carburanti, legno, etc.; della vendita sottocosto dei prodotti agricoli statunitensi ed europei sovvenzionati, che mette fuori mercato la produzione agricola locale; della sistematica rapina del pescato africano. Si tratta, poi, dell’organizzazione della tratta di donne da inabissare nella prostituzione (anche in questo caso le catene di comando e i consumatori finali sono qui in Europa e nei paesi più ricchi). E, ancora, del cosiddetto brain drain di laureati africani, medici anzitutto, denunciato vent’anni fa da Coutrot e Husson[3]. Per non parlare del più tradizionale ma non meno devastante saccheggio delle materie prime, nel quale contano oggi più della gomma e dell’oro il petrolio, il gas, il coltan, i metalli rari di cui l’Africa è ricchissima, in certi casi quasi-monopolista per volontà di madre natura. E a tutto ciò si debbono aggiungere gli effetti indiretti sul continente africano dell’iper-sviluppo capitalistico globale, la desertificazione, la siccità, le carestie prodotte dai cambiamenti climatici – di cui l’Africa ha sofferto finora più di ogni altro continente.

Quest’insieme di processi interconnessi sta producendo un movimento migratorio interno all’Africa di proporzioni rapidamente crescenti. È in atto lo svuotamento progressivo delle campagne – con la rovina dell’agricoltura di sussistenza, che tuttora dà da mangiare a un terzo degli abitanti dell’Africa -, e la nascita di enormi megalopoli (la sola Lagos ha 23 milioni di abitanti) e di un gran numero di centri urbani[4]. Appena dieci anni la stragrande maggioranza degli spostamenti migratori dell’Africa avveniva dentro il continente; quelli verso l’Europa erano in aumento, ma restavano abbastanza ridotti se paragonati ai movimenti infracontinentali (vedi la Mappa 7.1)[5]. L’emigrazione africana di massa verso l’Europa era ancora largamente confinata all’emigrazione dai paesi arabi del Nord, mentre l’emigrazione dall’Africa sub-sahariana era molto limitata e composta per lo più da persone con livello di scolarizzazione medio-alto[6]. Nell’ultimo decennio la situazione è fortemente cambiata. Si è intensificato il processo di urbanizzazione legato a forme di modernizzazione e di sviluppo capitalistico dipendente delle economie e delle società sub-sahariane; contemporaneamente si sono molto irrigiditi i confini tra gli stati africani, un tempo assai labili, e si sono diffuse politiche a sfondo nazionalistico, se non proprio razzista, contro gli immigrati provenienti da altri paesi africani (caso-limite il Sud Africa degli ultimi anni, con diversi sanguinosi pogrom). All’oggi si tratta di decine di milioni di emigranti, che trovano pochi sbocchi lavorativi stabili nelle città perché finora non si è dato in Africa un vero e proprio processo di industrializzazione[7], e tanto meno di industrializzazione forte e diffusa come nella Cina costiera delle zone speciali, che è stato in grado di assorbire in trenta anni quasi 200 milioni di emigranti interni.

La spinta a lasciare le campagne, allargandosi, ha coinvolto strati sociali poco scolarizzati o perfino analfabeti – non si deve dimenticare che i piani di ristrutturazione del debito imposti da FMI e BM hanno demolito in molti paesi l’istruzione superiore e colpito ovunque i livelli di scolarizzazione più elementari. Essendo sempre più ostacolata e complicata l’emigrazione intra-africana, il movimento migratorio si è rivolto in modo più pressante verso l’estero: l’Europa, il Nord America, il Golfo Persico (dove si è imbattuta nella concorrenza degli emigranti dall’Asia), l’Asia stessa, con crescenti difficoltà, però, a raggiungere il continente europeo a causa delle rigide politiche restrittive, repressive, selettive adottate dall’Unione europea, inclusi i paesi di antica colonizzazione, Francia e Regno Unito[8]. Come innumerevoli documenti testimoniano, ci sono masse di giovani donne e uomini africani disposti a tutto pur di riuscire ad approdare in un qualche punto del suolo europeo attraverso percorsi che possono durare anni, perché non hanno un’alternativa preferibile[9]. Percorsi drammatici, spesso tragici, se si considera che negli ultimi 15 anni il Mediterraneo è diventato la tomba di almeno trentamila emigranti africani, la “via migratoria” più pericolosa del mondo.

 

In Europa (nelle alte sfere)

Mentre in Africa la spinta migratoria verso l’estero è all’apice, in Europa siamo invece all’acme della ostilità pubblica/statale e privata verso i rifugiati, gli emigranti e gli immigrati dall’Africa. All’acme dell’allarme: è in corso un’invasione di africani! Dobbiamo fermarli in Africa! Lo slogan del capo della Lega Salvini, diventato ministro di polizia del governo italiano, ha una larghissima eco nell’Est Europa, in Austria, ma anche nei paesi i cui governi apparentemente si smarcano dalla sua violenza verbale.

Alla fine, si è materializzato l’effetto-valanga.

In Europa l’ascesa del discorso pubblico contro gli immigrati dura infatti da decenni. Già nei primi anni ’70 il FN lepenista aveva messo in circolazione l’abile slogan “alt à l’immigration sauvage”. Negli anni ’80 e ’90 le viscide tematiche del razzismo differenzialista avevano preso piede in modo lento ma inesorabile prima nelle università, poi un po’ dovunque, ad anticipare e legittimare le pratiche stigmatizzanti e discriminatorie attualmente in voga. All’alba del nuovo secolo, lo scoppio della “guerra infinita al terrorismo” dopo gli attentati dell’11 settembre a New York si era tradotto in un’ossessiva crociata contro le popolazioni di origini “islamiche” presenti in Europa, da cui è nato, tra l’altro, il massacro di Oslo del luglio 2011, opera del fondamentalista ariano-cristiano Breivik. Da allora, al di là delle dichiarazioni di facciata, il razzismo istituzionale contro gli immigrati, fatto di leggi, circolari, prassi discriminatorie e di controllo, si è inasprito. E le forze della nuova destra che se ne sono fatte promotrici sono uscite da una dimensione residuale o minoritaria, riuscendo ad andare al governo in Norvegia, Ungheria, Polonia, Austria e da ultimo in Italia, sfiorando questo obiettivo in Francia, e ponendo comunque all’ordine del giorno, al centro della scena pubblica (nel Regno Unito, in Germania e in Olanda) la necessità di una politica aggressivamente restrittiva contro gli immigrati.

Come ha notato Liz Fekete nel suo Europe’s Fault Lines: Racism and the Rise of the Right (Verso, 2018), questa marcia trionfale delle destre xenofobe e razziste europee è stata favorita in vari modi dagli apparati di repressione statali e privati, e dal sistema dei mass media che è nelle mani del grande capitale. Ma la complicità tra le forze che si professano demagogicamente “anti-sistema” e i circoli capitalistici più potenti non ha nulla di sorprendente, se si fa mente locale alle forze che promossero e facilitarono l’ascesa del nazi-fascismo negli anni ’20 e ’30 del secolo scorso. Anche il richiamo all’effetto-valanga che ho fatto prima, sebbene utile, non mi sembra risolutivo, in quanto rimane da sciogliere l’interrogativo: quali sono le ragioni di fondo dell’inarrestabile inasprimento delle misure dell’Italia e dell’intera UE contro gli emigranti dal continente africano, ad appena tre anni dalla apertura delle frontiere tedesche a un milione di profughi e richiedenti asilo (per lo più) siriani?

A me sembrano le seguenti. La prima è che si è già formato in Europa un esercito di riserva ampio a sufficienza per non aver bisogno di nuove massicce immissioni di immigrati paragonabili a quelle degli anni ’90 e dei primi dieci anni del secolo. Infatti da un decennio l’UE procede a un tasso di accumulazione molto ridotto rispetto ai suoi principali concorrenti (Cina e Stati Uniti) e, a colpi di contro-riforme del mercato del lavoro, ha ormai creato un vastissimo contingente di lavoratori e lavoratrici ultra-precari e sotto-remunerati, immigrati e autoctoni, da cui le imprese possono attingere a volontà per i loro fabbisogni. La seconda è che l’attuale emigrazione dall’Africa nera, a differenza di quella dei passati decenni, è composta in larga prevalenza da forza-lavoro scarsamente scolarizzata – l’ha esplicitato il capogruppo a Strasburgo del Partito popolare europeo, Manfred Weber: “i migranti africani non hanno le competenze lavorative che servono a paesi come Germania e Olanda. E la loro formazione sarebbe troppo costosa per l’Europa”. Per paesi come l’Italia o la Spagna, invece, possono servire nelle campagne e nelle attività di manovalanza (a 2-3 euro l’ora), ma anche qui in misura inferiore rispetto al passato. La terza e fondamentalissima ragione è che la presuntainvasione di africani in atto è un eccellente pretesto per militarizzare il Mediterraneo (fuori dai piedi le ONG, restino esclusivamente le navi militari), con il segretario della NATO Stoltenberg pronto a rafforzare il pattugliamento e inviare truppe in Libia e altrove, e creare in Libia, Niger, Mali un sistema di campi di concentramento finalizzato a fermare e filtrare i “veri” richiedenti asilo, e riempire l’Africa del Nord (e poi via via a scendere…) di contingenti militari italiani, europei, NATO, per rimettere sempre più “gli stivali sul terreno” africano da contendere al concorrente cinese e a tutti gli altri.

Ma sono convinto che nelle alte sfere dell’UE si ragioni da anni, in luoghi riservati, anche su un altro aspetto della questione. Prima in Egitto e in Tunisia negli anni 2011-’12, successivamente in Sud Africa, Ciad, Liberia, Mozambico, Marocco, Lesotho, Etiopia, Tanzania, Algeria, Burundi, Zimbabwe[10], si è verificata in Africa da Nord a Sud, da Est a Ovest, un’intensa serie di lotte economiche e politiche della classe operaia e degli sfruttati. E i capitalisti e i governanti europei che godono da un po’ di una sostanziale pace sociale, non sentono il minimo bisogno di importare qui soggetti pericolosi – in Italia sono stati proprio i proletari arabi e africani ad animare con forza le lotte nella logistica. Che restino laggiù a sbollire i loro spiriti con l’effetto deprimente della disoccupazione e delle pene dell’economia informale, così faranno scendere anche il valore della forza-lavoro africana, che gli usurai globali giudicano eccessivamente alto, dal momento che deve compensare le inefficienze delle strutture e delle infrastrutture statali[11].

 

In Europa (tra i lavoratori)

In Italia e in Europa questo virulento razzismo delle istituzioni capitalistiche, in specie le tematiche agitate dalle destre più aggressive (in Italia la Lega e Casa Pound), hanno avuto negli ultimi anni crescente presa nelle classi lavoratrici. Il che consente al governo Lega-Cinquestelle e ai governi di questo stampo di mettere in atto un rovesciamento del rapporto causa-effetto: le politiche di stato contro gli immigrati africani che sono dettate, lo si è visto, da interessi totalmente capitalistici e neo-coloniali, e sono il propellente primo della diffusione del razzismo a livello popolare, possono essere camuffate da politiche di difesa degli autoctoni, di tutti gli autoctoni (“prima gli italiani!”, “prima gli austriaci”), soprattutto dei più deprivati tra loro, e presentate come volute essenzialmente da loro.

La crescente presa delle tematiche razziste si spiega con il vasto, spesso acuto, malcontento sociale generato da quaranta anni di politiche di stato anti-operaie e di offensiva capitalistica nei luoghi di produzione, che hanno fatto aumentare in modo esponenziale precarietà e disoccupazione, prodotto un’illimitata intensificazione delle prestazioni lavorative, la corrosione del tessuto connettivo sociale con processi estesi di atomizzazione, emarginazione, diffusione delle droghe, etc. E si spiega anche con l’abbattimento della conflittualità operaia e proletaria e la progressiva decomposizione fisica e ideologica delle strutture del vecchio movimento operaio. Incunearsi in una situazione del genere e catalizzare, oltre pezzi rilevanti di ceti medi, anche settori operai e proletari intorno alla propaganda anti-immigrati è stato – in assenza di lotte, lo ripeto – relativamente agevole. Volta a volta gli emigrati dai paesi dell’Est (rumeni, albanesi e i celebri idraulici polacchi), poi gli emigrati dai paesi arabi e di cultura islamica candidati in massa al “terrorismo jihadista”, i rom, i cinesi, i richiedenti asilo “scrocconi” per definizione, gli africani dei paesi sub-sahariani che “ci” minacciano di invasione come gli antichi barbari, etc., sono diventati il caprio espiatorio del momento fino a trasformarsi nella sola, o nella principale, causa generatrice del malessere sociale. Sulla base di clamorose falsificazioni dello stato dei fatti, certo; ma anche di reali dati di fatto, come l’oggettiva funzione di compressione dei salari e dei diritti che ha per stato di necessità la forza-lavoro di immigrazione (in assenza di lotte), oppure – specie in Italia – il coinvolgimento di una (piccolissima) frangia di immigrati per lo più irregolari nelle attività della criminalità organizzata, anzitutto nello spaccio al dettaglio delle droghe.

Le forze più accorte della destra aggressivamente razzista combinano questa propaganda con la denuncia dei vertici dell’UE e dei potentati “globalisti”, accusati di usare gli immigrati contro gli autoctoni per uccidere le identità nazionali e peggiorare le loro condizioni di esistenza, e di preferire le attività speculative a quelle produttive. Il nemico è, in entrambi i casi, lo straniero, quello interno e quello esterno, secondo una metodica consolidata che risale al Mein Kampf hitleriano, nel quale il nemico-ebreo ha due volti: il proletario internazionalista e marxista, e il finanziere “mondialista”, figure sociali del tutto antitetiche, ma “unificate” nella velenosa propaganda nazista dalla comune appartenenza “razziale”. Il successo che sta ottenendo in Italia la Lega è legato anche all’uso spregiudicato di questa retorica diffusa su larghissima scala con gli ultimi mezzi di comunicazione di massa – la pagina facebook di Salvini ha oggi oltre due milioni e ottocentomila seguaci…

La progressiva ascesa del discorso pubblico anti-immigrati, delle politiche di stato che lo hanno tradotto in pratica tanto ad opera della vecchia destra che dei governi di centro-sinistra, e delle forze che hanno avviato/promosso il nuovo corso politico europeo sempre più esplicitamente razzista, ha messo capo a un messaggio martellante che unisce oggi tutti gli stati e i governi europei: basta immigrati! Da qui la rigida chiusura delle frontiere europee contro la temuta invasione dall’Africa, respingimenti in mare delle imbarcazioni, rafforzamento della polizia europea di frontiera Frontex, costruzione nel nord dell’Africa di una catena di kampi (oltre quelli macabri già esistenti) e di muri per sbarrare il passo alle “orde” di emigranti – dopo avere bloccato l’accesso dalla Turchia d’intesa con Erdogan. Su queste basi il nuovo governo italiano Lega-Cinquestelle ha scatenato una querelle sulla assoluta necessità di ripartire gli emigranti che riusciranno comunque a raggiungere il sacro suolo europeo. A seguire, il ministro dell’interno tedesco Seehofer si è a sua volta esibito in una denuncia dai toni apocalittici: economia, società, identità, storia nazionale della Germania coleranno a picco se l’Italia e la Grecia non si riprenderanno i 63.691 rifugiati oggi presenti nel suo paese, ma entrati nell’UE altrove. Per non menzionare gli Orban, Morawiecki, Kurz e gli altri campioni delle nuove pulizie etniche. La situazione in Europa è diventata così grave che il nuovo premier spagnolo Sanchez rischia di sembrare un eroe dell’umanitarismo per avere permesso alla nave Aquarius vergognosamente respinta dall’Italia di approdare a Siviglia, naturalmente solo dopo aver ottenuto adeguate garanzie sulla ripartizione (in 9 paesi!) dei suoi 629 richiedenti asilo…

 

Concludendo (oltre l’oggi)

Allargando lo sguardo al mondo intero, l’attuale crisi migratoria in Africa e in Europa appare solo un aspetto della catena di contraddizioni/convulsioni che scuotono un sistema economico e sociale sempre meno sostenibile per la natura e l’umanità lavoratrice. I poteri forti globali e i loro governi non hanno a disposizione nessuna reale soluzione per queste “singole” crisi. Basta vedere quello che accade in questi giorni in Europa dove partiti fratelli, se non gemelli, nella loro infame ideologia, come quelli di Orban, Kurz e Salvini, si collocano su posizioni opposte quando si tratta della possibile revisione dell’accordo di Dublino o della suddivisione dei costi della militarizzazione delle frontiere.

Il governo trumpista Salvini&Di Maio che oggi guida l’Italia si candida ad essere l’avamposto della UE nella guerra contro gli emigranti dall’Africa, e gli immigrati già presenti sul suolo italiano ed europeo. La sua politica d’attacco è a più strati (o anelli) tra loro collegati in un unitario disegno anti-proletario: contro gli emigranti dall’Africa moltiplicando muri, divieti, pericoli, costi, setacci per selezionarli e farli arrivare qui terrorizzati, piegati, pronti a essere supersfruttati; contro i reclusi nei centri di detenzione, educandoli ad accettare una condizione servile attraverso l’abitudine al lavoro gratuito; contro i sans papiers, con la minaccia di espellerli dall’Italia, per costringerli a  spezzarsi la schiena e astenersi da ogni forma di protesta; contro gli immigrati regolari, colpiti da nuove discriminazioni (i loro figli non potranno avere accesso gratuito agli asili nido, gli immigrati disoccupati sono esclusi dal “reddito di cittadinanza”, se mai ci sarà) e da una propaganda di stato che li presenta come un peso per le casse pubbliche e la principale fonte del malessere sociale. Infine, contro i proletari autoctoni per creare un fossato incolmabile di diffidenza, sospetto, ostilità, odio tra le due sezioni del proletariato, che indebolisce entrambe davanti all’aggressione dei “mercati globali”, dei padroni, degli organi dello stato.

Al momento questo governo ha il vento in poppa, con il 63% del gradimento “popolare”, e nessuna opposizione in parlamento e nella società. La sua forza, però, è quasi esclusivamente nella debolezza del movimento proletario, nella stasi delle lotte, nell’assenza di una piattaforma e di una azione politica di classe capaci di unire autoctoni e immigrati in uno stesso fronte di lotta. Se riprenderanno le lotte; se i lavoratori immigrati saranno parte integrante e militante di queste lotte, come già più volte è avvenuto; se forze di classe anche limitate metteranno in campo una politica sull’immigrazione e su tutto il resto capace di contrapporsi da cima a fondo all’azione del governo, dello stato e dell’UE; la scena cambierà, bruscamente. Il malcontento sociale che oggi è utilizzato in modo demagogico da Lega e Cinquestelle gli si potrà rovesciare contro. Dopotutto, ciò che unisce gli sfruttati, emigranti, immigrati o autoctoni che siano, è immensamente più profondo e forte di ciò che li divide.

Ma la risposta di lotta ai governi tipo quello Lega&Cinquestelle in Italia non dovrà assolutamente disertare le tematiche che, a partire dalle attuali “crisi migratorie”, mettono in discussione il sistema sociale capitalistico in quanto tale, e la sua macchina di dominazione neo-coloniale. Oltre a battersi contro le politiche migratorie restrittive e repressive degli stati e ogni forma di discriminazione ai danni delle popolazioni immigrate, i rivoluzionari internazionalisti debbono dire chiaro e forte che sono contro le migrazioni forzate, quali sono la pressocché totalità delle migrazioni contemporanee. E sanno bene cosa va fatto per rimuoverne le cause. Certo, il processo è complicato, data la loro profondità storica e il loro carattere strutturale. E per avanzare in questa direzione saranno necessari grandi scontri e giganteschi sconvolgimenti sociali. Ma tanto per cominciare, si dovrebbe: 1)azzerare il debito estero dei paesi africani; 2)ritirare immediatamente dall’Africa le truppe di stato e private italiane ed europee, i consiglieri militari, gli addestratori di truppe e di polizie; 3)restituire le terre razziate con il land grabbing; 4)cessare di inondare l’Africa con i prodotti agricoli sovvenzionati europei che distruggono l’agricoltura locale; 5)finirla di appropriarsi del pescato dei loro mari; 6) ridiscutere su basi paritarie e di effettiva reciproca utilità i commerci in atto; 7)avviare un processo di restituzione del plurisecolare maltolto, e così via. E, prima di tutto, spezzare il silenzio sulle lotte operaie e popolari, sulle resistenze al neo-colonialismo in corso in Africa, e sostenerle con ogni mezzo.

 

Note

[1]  Akinwumi A. Adesina, presidente della Banque africaine de développement, afferma: “Aujourd’hui, l’Afrique est, sans conteste, le lieu privilégié pour faire affaires. Nous avons une jeune population en plein essor et une demande grandissante des biens de consommation, de produits alimentaires et de services financiers. Tous ces facteurs conjugués font de l’Afrique une destination commerciale et industrielle attrayante pour le secteur privé” – Groupe de la Banque Africaine de développement, Industrialiser l’Afrique, 2018, p. 4. Su questi stessi temi insiste anche il direttore generale dell’UNIDO Li Yong in “Africa, un’industrializzazione non più rinviabile”, il sole 24 ore, 2 febbraio 2017, che oltre a parlare del “profilo demografico favorevole”, vanta gli elevati tassi di urbanizzazione del continente e “una diaspora altamente istruita”.

[2]  Cfr. UNCTAD, World Investment Report 2018, Geneva, 2018. p. 38, figure A. Il 66% dei capitali statunitensi è investito nella estrazione di minerali. Tra i paesi europei primeggiano il Regno Unito e la Francia, ma l’Italia è in forte recupero – nel 2016 è stata il primo investitore europeo, anzitutto con l’ente petrolifero di stato ENI.

[3]  T. Coutrot – M. Husson, Les destins du tiers monde, Nathan, 1993. Ai medici e agli infermieri africani vengono offerti negli Stati Uniti (e nei paesi europei) salari fino a venti volte superiori ai loro salari nei paesi di nascita.

[4] In Africa il processo di urbanizzazione non è limitato alla formazione di megalopoli; altrettanto significativa è la rete sempre più fitta di piccole e medie città: UN-Habitat, State of African Cities 2014. Re-imagining sustainable urban transitions, Nairobi, 2014.

[5] S. Castles – M.J. Miller, The Age of Migration. International Population Movements in the Modern World, Palgrave McMillian, 2009, cap. 7.

[6] O. Bakewell – H. de Haas, “African Migration: Continuities, Discontinuities and Recent Transformation”, in African Alternatives a cura di P. Chabal, U. Engel e L. de Haan, Brill, 2007, pp. 95-117.

[7] Negli ultimi tre decenni, anzi, “l’Africa sub-sahariana ha subìto una de-industrializzazione di proporzioni epocali. Milioni di posti di lavoro sono spariti senza che nulla li sostituisse”: “Perché l’Africa non decolla”, L’Internazionale, 13 luglio 2018, p. 49 (è la traduzione di un articolo tratto da Die Zeit).

[8] M.-L. Flahaux – H. de Haas, “African migration: trends, patterns, drivers”, Comparative Migration Studies (2016) 4:1, pp. 1-25

[9] Mi limito a citare la testimonianza del cittadino della Repubblica democratica del Congo Emmanuel Mbobela (Rifugiato. Un’odissea africana, Agenzia X, 2018) che, pur disponendo di buoni mezzi materiali e altrettanti sostegni,  ha impiegato 6 anni per mettere piede in Olanda.

[10]  Patrick Bond, in “Obsolete Economic Ideas and Personnel Corruption Are Closely Linked in Africa”, intervista data a Mohsen Abdelmoumen, pubblicata in American Herald Tribune, 10 giugno 2017, osserva che “in the top 30 countries in terms of labour militancy” ci sono ben dodici paesi africani.

[11]  Può sembrare incredibile, ma questa tesi, la tesi di salari medi africani eccessivamente alti, è chiaramente espressa in J. Cilliers, Made in Africa. Manufacturing and the fourth industrial revolution, Institute for Security Studies, aprile 2018, p. 11.

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